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Making Democracy and the World
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ARTHUR GRAHAM GLASGOW, M. E., Sc., D. Eng.
FOREWORD
(Winning the war and winning the peace
are recognized by leading industrialists, econ-
omists, advertising experts and social planners
as inseparable parts 01 the same problem-
and it is one which laces us with ever-in-
creasing urgency day by day. What matter,
we are reminded, if we are victorious and
vanquish the enemy on the field 01 battle, if
in the meantime we have failed to prepare
the groundwork for a permanent and secure
peace when the war ends?
Mr. Glasgow's essay seeks to improve the
quality and authority 01 the controlling hu-
man element in national government, on
which all national and international issues
depend, but it is not influenced by any hope
of universal spiritual reaction, following this
brutalizing war. On the contrary, it aims at
the control of human weaknesses, in the
realm 01 politics, by eliminating practices
that now discredit democracy and threaten
As described last month, the operation of
unrestricted suffrage in Great Britain is
limited by potent factors that do not exist
in the United State. Moreover, in the Amer-
ican sense, Great Britain has no domestic
racial or climatic problem~_ Her 45 millions
cover Ie area tban evada, whose popu-
lation in 1940 was 110,247_
Yet, notwithstanding these political limi-
tations and admini trative advantages, sup-
ported by traditional respect for authority,
the extension of British democracy to unre-
stricted suffrage mu t · bear its share of
responsibility for the contemporaneous
shrinkage of Great Britain from world-lead-
ership to the current statu of herself and
of the world_
On the other hand, the United Sta tes,
with 34 time the area of Great Britain and
with the gravest racial and administrative
problems, ha practically no brake on unre-
stricted suffrage except the Constitution-
which is ubject to amendment as follows:
"The Congress, whenever two-thirds of
both Houses sball deem it necessary, shall
propose Amendment to this Constitution,
or, on the Application of the Legislatures
o[ two-thirds of the several States, shall call
a Convention for proposing Amendments,
which, in either Case, shall be valid to all
government.
In presenting this second installment of the
three-part article by Glasgow THE REVIEW is
not entering politics. Instead, in the interest
of all learned individuals within our industry,
we are presenting this treatise for study and
consideration without editorial commendation
or condemnation.
THE EDITOR
PART II
We now reach the crux of this discus-
sion, namely consideration of Democracy
as practiced in the United States-and its
foreign repercussions.
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Intents and Purposes, a part of this Con-
stitution, when ratified by the Legislatures
of three-fourths of the several States, or by
Conventions in three-fourths thereof, as the
one or the other Mode of Ratification may
be proposed by the Congress;" (such ac-
tion is not subject to Presidential veto_)
The first mode of ratification ha always
been followed, except in the case of the
twenty-first amendment revoking prohibi-
tion; and the decision of each State Legis-
lature might have been determined by a
mere majority of its voting members.
l'vloreover, where there are more than
two candidates, members of both the Con-
gres and the State Legislatures may be
elected by pluralities far less than the ma-
jority of tho e voting; and the Constitution
is interpreted by a Supreme Court ap-
pointed by Presidents possibly elected
(through the Electoral College) by even
less than a plurality of those voting.
It goes without saying, therefore, that
any evils resulting from unrestricted suf-
frage, a practiced and restrained in Great
Britain, will be correspondingly magnified
by unre tricted suffrage-practically unre-
strained-in the United States.
XII
As noted last month, the British civil
service is d ivorced from politic un til the
Prime Minister and his Cabinet (all being
members of Parliament) are reached_
Whichever party is in power, and how-
ever mistaken its domestic and foreign
policies, it is assured of administrative
efficiency.
With far greater domesti c problems, the
United States, in step with extension of
uffrage, has been largely ruled by "spoils-
patronage" as expressed in Andrew lack-
son's slogan, " To the Victors Belong the
Spoi ls!"
The "s poils-patronage" system has be-
come both the weapon and the armor of
Our po liticians, beginning with the Presi-
dent; and ha broken all records during
the present Administration .
Its long-practiced methods of Federal
a id for local interests- usually obtained by
trading in congressional votes-include:
Useless deepening of rivers and harbors;
one-sided civil-war pensions; unneeded
roads and larger postoffices; repairing reck-
less depletion of farms and forests; and
many other responses to localized "lobby-
ing."
More recently have been added: Bonl1 es
and allowances to uninjured "veterans" of
the First World War; vast agricultural
and unemployment expenditures; improvi-
dent silver and unlimited gold purchases;
many other responses to broadly organized
"lobbying"; and, perhaps even more dis-
turbing, Federal aid urging municipalities
to engal(e in tax-free competition with the
existing heavily-taxed utilities, already pro-
viding ample supplies of electricity with ef-
ficiency that i the envy of foreign Coun-
tries. To wit:
(a) The Recent Convention 0/ the Amer.
ican Legion voted to admit our New Forces
into that organization. Our Armed Forces
are to number II,OOO,OOO by the end of
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