Moreover, we Americans, who are rather
given to exaggeration, find a source of mis-
unaerstanding in the British habit of under-
statement, expressed in their usual super-
latives of "not half-bad" or "but I suppose
we shall muddle through"-especially if
applied to American , performance_
The latter phrase, from the lips of a
British Foreign Minister, led the writer to
expostulate, "Why not substitute for 'mud-
dle through' your real belief that you will
ultimately succeed, as usual, by exercising
British genius for improvisation to meet the
unexpected?" - hitherto a compensating
fruit of Briti'sh indisposition to prepare for
the improbable_
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WAR BONDS
mut
STAMPS
'f;N
o
VI
Regarding British and American foreign
policies, the case of Manchuria is enlighten-
ing, and its brief review may ease wide-
spread misunderstanding_
Many in the United States believe that
present troubles in the Far East (and else-
where) are due to British indifference to
our proposal that she should join the
United States in mobilizing eight Powers of
the Nine Power Treaty, to prevent Japan
(the ninth Power) from breakin~ the ~uar
anteed status of the Far East by seizing
Manchuria:
Britain's failure to welcome such sUP'Port
of her immense Oriental Interests has been
generally ascribed by us to British torpidity
or stupidity; but here is another story:
Some years ago, this writer presented that
American view of the case to the able wife
of a British cabinet minister. herself a
former member of ParJi'ament. To her com-
ment, "There are two sides to the case". the
writer replied, "Of course, and I have
heard only one side, will you tell me the
other?"
She then said, "Afte; consideration bv
the Cabinet, our Foreign Secretary asked'
your Secretary of State whether the United
States were prepared to use force, if Japan
resisted the proposed representations; and
received the reply that his government
could not give such an undertaking."
When recently reviewing the above. a
leading professor of government said, "But
that was not all. The British /!:overnment
then inollired whether the United States
were willing to join in economic pressure.
if Japan remained obdurate; and received
the tentative replv that such a .~ ourse might
1 .;. be possible. But !h~ then Preside~t re.iected
I" that means of ~IVlllg sOJl1e practICal effect
to what was otherwise a mere bluff."
The British government doubtless be-
lieved that Japan would have called the
bluff-with further damage to white pres-
tige in the Ori'ent.
VII
This unfortunate, many think disastrous.
difference was the natural result of the fact
that British forei~n policy was based on
centuries of world leadership; whereas the
foreign policy of the United States (with
the brief Wilsonian interlude) has bp.en
based on Isolationism - until our hands
';Vere forced by Japan.
The reckless jettisoning, by such Isola-
tionism, of the fruit of the First World
War is doubtless responsible for this Sec-
ond World War. For the United and Lib-
erated Nations can only establish, as a re-
sult of thi's current world destruction, what
might have been peacefully developed from
the Lea~ue of Nations of 1919 - which
America helped to impose on the world and
then rejected.
This rejection was the vicious result of
"playing politics", with the world (in-
cluding ourselves) as the state. President
Wilson had gained for the United States
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air and submarine developments), to check
the foremost place in the world, and had
at its source the original 1939 German Ag-
inaugurated collective security for the fu-
gression-while urgently achieving equiva-
ture peace of the world. But his unfortu-
lent mastery of the air. But that is an old
nate mental arrogance lost him the battle
story-told by this writer to the Adminis-
(and his life) ; for it caused or enabled the
tration, the Congress, the Richmond Times-
Opposition to win with Isolationism.
Dispatch, The New York Times and many
Sumner Welles, former Under Secretary
others.
of State, declared May 31, 1943:
On balance, impartiality cannot claim
"The policy of Isolationisfn has failed
that current troubles, whether East or West,
utterly and miserably . . . had we been
are more largely due to British than to
willing to play our part in keeping the
American deficiencies.
peace of the world since the last World
War, the cost to us in life and treasure
VIII
would have been an infinitesimal part of
Few will dispute that, of foreign Great
the cost required of us today."
Powers, the traditions and characteristics
Moreover, having jettisoned the only fruit
of the British make them best able to ad-
of the First World War and left the gate '
minister democratic government. Yet, after
open to Aggressors, the same Isolationism
centuries of dominance in Europe, the Med-
prevented immediate cooperation of our
iterranean, the Near, Middle and Far East,
great naval and maritime resources (then
at the height of their efficiency before later
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