Coin Machine Review (& Pacific ...)

Issue: 1943 November

Moreover, we Americans, who are rather
given to exaggeration, find a source of mis-
unaerstanding in the British habit of under-
statement, expressed in their usual super-
latives of "not half-bad" or "but I suppose
we shall muddle through"-especially if
applied to American , performance_
The latter phrase, from the lips of a
British Foreign Minister, led the writer to
expostulate, "Why not substitute for 'mud-
dle through' your real belief that you will
ultimately succeed, as usual, by exercising
British genius for improvisation to meet the
unexpected?" - hitherto a compensating
fruit of Briti'sh indisposition to prepare for
the improbable_
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VI
Regarding British and American foreign
policies, the case of Manchuria is enlighten-
ing, and its brief review may ease wide-
spread misunderstanding_
Many in the United States believe that
present troubles in the Far East (and else-
where) are due to British indifference to
our proposal that she should join the
United States in mobilizing eight Powers of
the Nine Power Treaty, to prevent Japan
(the ninth Power) from breakin~ the ~uar­
anteed status of the Far East by seizing
Manchuria:
Britain's failure to welcome such sUP'Port
of her immense Oriental Interests has been
generally ascribed by us to British torpidity
or stupidity; but here is another story:
Some years ago, this writer presented that
American view of the case to the able wife
of a British cabinet minister. herself a
former member of ParJi'ament. To her com-
ment, "There are two sides to the case". the
writer replied, "Of course, and I have
heard only one side, will you tell me the
other?"
She then said, "Afte; consideration bv
the Cabinet, our Foreign Secretary asked'
your Secretary of State whether the United
States were prepared to use force, if Japan
resisted the proposed representations; and
received the reply that his government
could not give such an undertaking."
When recently reviewing the above. a
leading professor of government said, "But
that was not all. The British /!:overnment
then inollired whether the United States
were willing to join in economic pressure.
if Japan remained obdurate; and received
the tentative replv that such a .~ ourse might
1 .;. be possible. But !h~ then Preside~t re.iected
I" that means of ~IVlllg sOJl1e practICal effect
to what was otherwise a mere bluff."
The British government doubtless be-
lieved that Japan would have called the
bluff-with further damage to white pres-
tige in the Ori'ent.
VII
This unfortunate, many think disastrous.
difference was the natural result of the fact
that British forei~n policy was based on
centuries of world leadership; whereas the
foreign policy of the United States (with
the brief Wilsonian interlude) has bp.en
based on Isolationism - until our hands
';Vere forced by Japan.
The reckless jettisoning, by such Isola-
tionism, of the fruit of the First World
War is doubtless responsible for this Sec-
ond World War. For the United and Lib-
erated Nations can only establish, as a re-
sult of thi's current world destruction, what
might have been peacefully developed from
the Lea~ue of Nations of 1919 - which
America helped to impose on the world and
then rejected.
This rejection was the vicious result of
"playing politics", with the world (in-
cluding ourselves) as the state. President
Wilson had gained for the United States
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air and submarine developments), to check
the foremost place in the world, and had
at its source the original 1939 German Ag-
inaugurated collective security for the fu-
gression-while urgently achieving equiva-
ture peace of the world. But his unfortu-
lent mastery of the air. But that is an old
nate mental arrogance lost him the battle
story-told by this writer to the Adminis-
(and his life) ; for it caused or enabled the
tration, the Congress, the Richmond Times-
Opposition to win with Isolationism.
Dispatch, The New York Times and many
Sumner Welles, former Under Secretary
others.
of State, declared May 31, 1943:
On balance, impartiality cannot claim
"The policy of Isolationisfn has failed
that current troubles, whether East or West,
utterly and miserably . . . had we been
are more largely due to British than to
willing to play our part in keeping the
American deficiencies.
peace of the world since the last World
War, the cost to us in life and treasure
VIII
would have been an infinitesimal part of
Few will dispute that, of foreign Great
the cost required of us today."
Powers, the traditions and characteristics
Moreover, having jettisoned the only fruit
of the British make them best able to ad-
of the First World War and left the gate '
minister democratic government. Yet, after
open to Aggressors, the same Isolationism
centuries of dominance in Europe, the Med-
prevented immediate cooperation of our
iterranean, the Near, Middle and Far East,
great naval and maritime resources (then
at the height of their efficiency before later
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10
FOR
NOVEMIfR.
J943
and the Seven Seas, Great Britain drifted
into the position of a besieged Island-
miraculously defended through a lone and
desperate year. "Never, in the history of
mortal combat, had so many owed so much
to so few!" And "so many" includes all
peoples who want peaceful freedom.
What had so disastrously gone wrong?
Had the swing, in the past half-century, to
unrestricted suffrage developed sufficient ir-
responsible political power-notwithstand-
ing British limitations on democracy-to
steer her government toward such disaster?
Here are two brief comments, by British
Heads of State, that may shed some light
on the problem:
In 1936, the Prime Minister publicly
stated, "We knew we should have re-armed
two years ago, but we should have lost the
General Election." This is not quite as bad
as it may seem, for both the Prime Minister
and his audience doubtless felt that the
Socialist Opposition, if returned to power,
would complete qisarmament.
A subsequent Prime Minister, whose um-
brella was ridiculed in Germany, when
chaffed by his colleagues for taking it to
Munich, replied, "It was all I had to take!"
If such reckless unpreparedness, reflected
in these challenging statements, is fairly
traceable to modern unrestricted suffrage,
it is · f largely because of the minority dic-
tatorships - so-called " pressure groups"-
which flourish within the State under that
system; each pressing for advantage of the
group or its leaders, with little thought of
national and international welfare. For
Examples:
(a) One of the chief national products
of the First World War was a new Poland,
which combined again the three portions
into which an earlier Poland had been di-
~::: ~~~tt~ ;hen L ~ ~": O~'~R:;:':~!
FIT C H B U R.G, MASSA C H USE T T 5
Branches in all Principal Cities
vided by Germany, Austria and Russia-
making a democratic Polish State, double
the size of the new state of Czechoslovakia
and almost as large as France. Unhappily,
Poland soon became engaged in a new war
with Russia, and was being reconquered
when help was sought from Great Britain.
But the trade-unions controlling British
transport immediately formed their so-
called "Committee of Action", to prevent
help for democratic Poland (for whose
creation Britain, France, and the United
States were responsible) against "commu-
nistic" Russia; declaring that no British
wheel should turn or British ship sail, if
help were given Poland. Aided by General
Weygand and his staff, Poland saved her-
self.
(b) In 1926, under the general slogan.
of "Socialism in Our Time", a complete
fusion of trad~-unions (represented in Par-
·liament by the so-called Labor Party)
launched the General Strike-a thrust at
the very heart of the British Empire.
But Great Britain is at her best with her
back to' the wall-the miracle of Dunkirk
and its sequels being recent examples. After
a brief period when the issue of the Gen-
eral Strike seemed doubtful, traditional re-
spect for law and order prevailed; for,
when the revolutionists became convinced
that they were legally responsible for con-
sequences, the attempted revolution col-
lapsed.
IX
, This seems the r!?h,~ time to o~se~ve that
the man who puts R to evolutwn IS a de-
stroyer. Revolution is based on destruction;
whereas a definition 'of evolution is "con-
structive progress." The loose talk of cur-
rent "world revolution" ,- and of a "new
world" to succeed the "dead old world",
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has been completely described as "philoso-
phic cant." Whom would we trust to scrap
the wisdom of the Ages, and erect on its
ruins a New World? Surely not the dis-
credited "statecraft" that has permitted the
current world holocaust; but who else?
Every generation is heir to the prior
Ages. It inherits all of the knowledge and
all of the experience-much gained by pain-
ful trial and error-Qf all brains throul!hout
all time in the recorded history of the world.
Each generation, in its turn, should add
to that priceless heritage, and thus pro-
gressively accumulate proven benefits, far
surpassing any revolutionary possibilities-
without revolutionary destruction. To that
end, Time is our essential partner; it works
for us unceasingly, while we work and
while we rest and while we sleep.
Revolution, on the contrary, means ex-
plosive dissipation of the accumulated fruits
of all past time and effort-to test some ab-
normal illusions, with the nation and pos-
sibly the world in the test-tube.
In short, both evolution and revolution
are leveling processes, but working in op-
posite directions : Evolution levels construc-
tively upward, whereas revolution levels
destructively downward.
Said Pope Pius XIII to Italian Workers,
June 13, 1943:
"Salvation and justice are not to be found
in revolution, but in an evo lution through
concord. Violence has ever achieved only
destruction, not construction; the kindling
of passions, not their pacification; the ac-
cumulation of hate and destruction, not the
reconciliation of the contending patties.
And it has reduced men and parties to the
difficult task of building slowly, after sad
experience, on the ruins of discord."
X
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minorities, Britain- not to speak of the
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